Family income may have a direct or indirect impact on children's academic outcomes. Even small differences in access to the activities and experiences that are on any causal relationship between parental income and child well- being. . Students who win admission by lottery and attend an HCZ school also have. The Journal of Positive Psychology We examined parent-child relationship quality and positive mental well-being This suggests that both mother–child and father–child relationships may have short and long-term care and high behavioural control is associated with higher educational attainment. following the offer, suggest that parental care is the most relevant alternative mode of care. We Discussion Paper may be longer and more elaborate than a standard journal article, as it . estimate the impact of child care starting age using the lottery offer as an instrumental .. Finally, as a summary measure of cognitive.
These relationships manifest themselves early. For example, children from low-income households weigh less at birth, are more likely to be born prematurely, and are increasingly at greater risk for chronic health conditions as they age Brooks-Gunn and Duncan ; Newacheck and Halfon ; Currie Childhood health is in turn positively related to a number of later outcomes, including skills, scholastic achievement, and adult economic status Currie ; Smith In adults, it is also a well-established fact that individuals with higher incomes enjoy better health outcomes Smith ; Deaton Descriptive research has uncovered these positive relationships in many different countries and time periods and in many different subpopulations Smith ; Deaton ; Cutler, Lleras-Muney, and Vogl Although the existence of these gradients for adult health and child outcomes is not controversial, credibly elucidating their underlying causal pathways has proven challenging, as concerns about reverse causation and omitted variable bias often loom large Mayer ; Deaton ; Currie ; Chandra and Vogl ; Baker and Stabile ; Cutler, Lleras-Muney, and Vogl The estimates we report are therefore useful for testing and refining hypotheses about the sources of the relationship between permanent income and the outcomes we consider.
Our study has three key methodological features that enable us to make stronger inferences about the causal impact of wealth than previous lottery studies evaluating the effect of wealth on health Lindahl ; Gardner and Oswald ; van Kippersluis and Galama ; Apouey and Clark and health expenditure Cheng, Costa-i-Font, and Powdthavee First, we observe the factors conditional on which the lottery wealth is randomly assigned, allowing us to leverage only the portion of lottery-induced variation in wealth that is exogenous.
In addition, our data allow us to address many but not all concerns that are often voiced about the external validity of studies of lottery players. We conduct two sets of analyses. In the adult analyses, the primary outcomes of interest are total and cause-specific mortalities, and we also report estimates of the impact of wealth on an array of hospitalization and drug prescription variables.
Several of the specific outcomes considered in the adult analyses are included because of their hypothesized relationships to health behaviors and stress, the two primary mechanisms through which epidemiologists have proposed that low income can adversely impact cardiovascular health, mental health, and the risk of autoimmune disease Williams ; Brunner ; Adler and Newman ; Stansfeld et al. In our intergenerational analyses, we study how wealth affects a number of infant and child health characteristics studied in earlier work Currie ; Baker and Stabile Throughout, we try to facilitate the interpretation of our findings by reporting the causal estimates from the adult sample alongside cross-sectional wealth gradients and the causal estimates from the intergenerational sample alongside the estimated gradient with respect to a year total of household disposable income.
In our adult analyses, we find that the effect of wealth on mortality and health care utilization can be bounded to a tight interval around zero. For example, our estimates allow us to rule out a causal effect of wealth on year adult mortality one sixth as large as the cross-sectional gradient between mortality and wealth.
We continue to find effects that can be bounded away from the gradient when we stratify the sample by age, income, sex, health, and education. In our intergenerational analyses, the estimated effect of wealth on scholastic achievement and cognitive and noncognitive skills is always precise enough to bound the parameter to a tight interval around zero, and we can reject effect sizes much smaller than the household-income gradient.
The estimated effects on the child health outcomes—with all-cause hospitalizations as the exception—are not statistically distinguishable from the household-income gradients but often estimated with enough precision to allow us to reject effects of the magnitude reported in most previous research finding positive effects Duncan, Morris, and Rodrigues ; Cooper and Stewart There are some exceptions to the overall pattern of null results.
New social formations adapt old traditions to their own needs. Women in the village seem to be disenfranchised because male heads of households, as men in the work force, provide the link between the broader economy of the village and the economy of the household. Some consideration of other single household families in the first round of the lottery--the Dunbars and the Watsons--will help make this relationship between economics and family power clearer.
Dunbar, unable to attend the lottery because he has a broken leg, has to choose by proxy. The rules of lottery participation take this situation into account: Dunbar's son Horace, however, is only sixteen, still presumably in school and not working; hence Mrs. Dunbar chooses for Mr.
Jack Watson, on the other hand, whose father is dead, is clearly older than Horace and presumably already in the work force. Admittedly, such inferences cannot be supported with hard textual evidence, but they make sense when the text is referred to the norms of the society which it addresses. They make their first appearance "wearing faded house dresses. Their dresses indicate that they do in fact work, but because they work in the home and not within the larger economy in which work is regulated by money, they are treated by men and treat themselves as inferiors.
When Tessie Hutchinson appears late to the lottery, other men address her husband Bill, "here comes your Missus, Hutchinson" p. None of the men, that is to say, thinks of addressing Tessie first, since she "belongs" to Bill. Most women in the village take this patriarchal definition of their role for granted, as Mrs. Delacroix's references to their husbands as their "old [men]" suggests pp.
Tessie, as we shall see later, is the only one who rebels against male domination, although only unconsciously. Having sketched some of the power relations within the families of the village, I can now shift my attention to the ways in which what I have called the democratic illusion of the lottery diverts their attention from the capitalist economic relations in which these relations of power are grounded.
On its surface, the idea of a lottery in which everyone, as Mrs. Graves says, "[takes] the same chance" seems eminently democratic, even if its effect, the singing out of one person for privilege or attack, is not. One critic, noting an ambiguity at the story's beginning, has remarked that "the lottery. In capitalist dominated elections, business supports and promotes candidates who will be more or less attuned to its interests, multiplying its vote through campaign financing, while each individual businessman can claim that he has but one vote.
In the lottery, analogously, the village ruling class participates in order to convince others and perhaps even themselves that they are not in fact above everyone else during the remainder of the year, even though their exclusive control of the lottery suggests that they are.
Yet just as the lottery's black ballot?
Summers' conduct as their representative--reveal the class interest that lies behind it. If Summers wears jeans, in order to convince the villagers that he is just another one of the common people, he also wears a "clean white shirt," a garment more appropriate to his class p.
If he leans casually on the black box before the lottery selection begins, as a President, say, might put his feet up on the White House desk, while leaning he talk[s] interminably to Mr.
Graves and the Martins," the other members of his class, and "seem[s] very proper and important" p.
Analysis and interpretation of Shirley Jackson`s The Lottery
Jackson has placed these last details in emphatic position at the end of a paragraph. Finally, however democratic his early appeal for help in conducting the lottery might appear--"some of you fellows want to give me a hand? Martin, who responds, is the third most powerful man in the village. Summers' question is essentially empty and formal, since the villagers seem to understand, probably unconsciously, the unspoken rule of class that governs who administers the lottery; it is not just anyone who can help Summers.
The lottery's democratic illusion, then, is an ideological effect that prevents the villagers from criticizing the class structure of their society. But this illusion alone does not account for the full force of the lottery over the village.
The lottery also reinforces a village work ethic which distracts the villagers' attention from the division of labor that keeps women powerless in their homes and Mr. Summers powerful in his coal company office.
Shirley Jackson's "The Lottery"
In the story's middle, Old Man Warner an alarmist name if there ever was one emerges as an apologist for this work ethic when he recalls an old village adage, "Lottery in June, corn be heavy soon" p. At one level, the lottery seems to be a modern version of a planting ritual that might once have prepared the villagers for the collective work necessary to produce a harvest. Such rituals do not necessarily involve human sacrifice.
As magical as Warner's proverb may seem, it establishes an unconscious unspoken connection between the lottery and work that is revealed by the entirety of his response when told that other villages are considering doing away with the lottery: Next thing you know, they'll be wanting to go back to living in caves, nobody work any more, live that way for a while.
Used to be a saying about 'Lottery in June, corn be heavy soon. There's always been a lottery. In order to do so, it would have to inspire the villagers with a magical fear that their lack of productivity would make them vulnerable to selection in the next lottery.
The village women reveal such an unconscious fear in their ejaculatory questions after the last slip has been drawn in the first round: The Dunbars and the Watsons, it so happens, are the least "productive" families in the village: Dunbar has broken his leg, Mr.
Given this unconscious village fear that lack of productivity determines the lottery's victim, we might guess that Old Man Warner's pride that he is participating in the lottery for the "seventy-seventh time" stems from a magical belief--seventy-seven is a magical number--that his commitment to work and the village work ethic accounts for his survival.
Wherever we find "magic," we are in the realm of the unconscious: Old Man Warner's commitment to a work ethic, however appropriate it might be in an egalitarian community trying collectively to carve an economy out of a wilderness, is not entirely innocent in the modern village, since it encourages villagers to work without pointing out to them that part of their labor goes to the support of the leisure and power of a business class. Warner, that is to say, is Summers' ideologist.
At the end of his remarks about the lottery, Warner laments Summers' democratic conduct: Yet this criticism obscures the fact that Summers is not about to undermine the lottery, even if he does "moderni8ze" it, since by running the lottery he also encourages a work ethic which serves his interest.
Just before the first round drawing, Summers remarks casually, "Well, now. The "we" in his remark is deceptive; what he means to say is "so that you can go back to work for me. She could have chosen Mr. Dunbar, of course, in order to show us the unconscious connection that the villagers draw between the lottery and their work ethic. But to do so would not have revealed that the lottery actually reinforces a division of labor. Tessie, after all, is a woman whose role as a housewife deprives her of her freedom by forcing her to submit to a husband who gains his power over her by virtue of his place in the work force.
Tessie, however, rebels against her role, and such rebellion is just what the orderly functioning of her society cannot stand. Unfortunately, her rebellion is entirely unconscious.
Tessie's rebellion begins with her late arrival at the lottery, a faux pas that raises suspicions of her resistance to everything that the lottery stands for.
She explains to Mr. Summers that she was doing her dishes and forgot what day it was. The way in which she says this, however, involves her in another faux pas: The "soft laughter [that runs] through the crowd" after this remark is a nervous laughter that indicates, even more than the village women's singling out of the Dunbars and the Watsons, the extent of the village's commitment to its work ethic and power structure p.
Summers calls her family's name, Tessie goads her husband, "Get up there Bill" p. In doing so, she inverts the power relation that holds in the village between husbands and wives. Again, her remark evokes nervous laughter from the crowd, which sense the taboo that she has violated.
Her final faux pas is to question the rules of the lottery which relegate women to inferior status as the property of their husbands.
Make them take their chance" p. Tessie's daughter Eva, however, belongs to Don and is consequently barred from participating with her parents' family. All of these faux pas set Tessie up as the lottery's likeliest victim, even if they do not explicitly challenge the lottery. That Tessie's rebellion is entirely unconscious is revealed by her cry while being stoned, "It isn't fair" p.
Tessie does not object to the lottery per se, only to her own selection as its scapegoat. It would have been fine with her if someone else had been selected. In stoning Tessie, the villagers treat her as a scapegoat onto which they can project and through with they can "purge"--actually, the term repress is better, since the impulse is conserved rather than eliminated--their own temptations to rebel.
The only places we can see these rebellious impulses are in Tessie, in Mr. Adams' suggestion, squelched by Warner, that the lottery might be given up, and in the laughter of the crowd.
The crowd's nervous laughter is ambivalent: But ultimately these rebellious impulses are channeled by the lottery and its attendant ideology away from their proper objects--capitalism and capitalist patriarchs--into anger at the rebellious victims of capitalist social organization.
Like Tessie, the villagers cannot articulate their rebellion because the massive force of ideology stands in the way. The lottery functions, then, to terrorize the village into accepting, in the name of work and democracy, the inequitable social division of labor and power on which its social order depends. When Tessie is selected, and before she is stoned, Mr. Summers asks her husband to "show [people] her paper" p. By holding up the slip, Bill Hutchinson reasserts his dominance over his wayward wife and simultaneous transforms her into a symbol to others of the perils of disobedience.
Here I would like to point out a curious crux in Jackson's treatment of the theme of scapegoating in "The Lottery": Admittedly, Tessie is a curious kind of scapegoat, since the village does not literally choose her, single her out. An act of scapegoating that is unmotivated is difficult to conceive. The crux disappears, however, once we realize that the lottery is a metaphor for the unconscious ideological mechanisms of scapegoating. In choosing Tessie through the lottery, Jackson has attempted to show us whom the village might have chosen if the lottery had been in fact an election.
But by presenting this election as an arbitrary lottery, she gives us an image of the village's blindness to its own motives.
Possibly the most depressing thing about "The Lottery" is how early Jackson represents this blindness as beginning. Even the village children have been socialized into the ideology that victimizes Tessie. When they are introduced in the second paragraph of the story, they are anxious that summer has let them out of school: Like their parents, they have learned that leisure and play are suspect.
Moreover, they follow the lead of Bobby Martin, the one boy in the story whose father is a member of the village ruling class Mr. Graves have no boysin hoarding and fighting over these stones as if they were money. While the boys do this, the village girls stand off to the side and watch, just as they will be expected to remain outside of the work force and dependent on their working husbands when they grow up.